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ASIANS IN AFRICA - Restore Africa Mega Cities 2020

Thanks for inviting me to anaylze the "Restore Africa MegaCities 2020 & beyond Playlist with you, had to watch it all and really reflect deeply about the implications of what I was watching, Hoping many others will do the same.

Geneofisis wrote:

Date: Mar 23, 2009


We need to stop thinking about myself first. Self hate leads to segregation. Black people have lost true love for each other and that is why we are having soooooo many problems. We need to come back into the real purpose of who and what we are and get out of our own way. Then and only will we have true liberation."

From: ngonea
To: Geneofisis

Subject: Re:


You make a very good point, and I think this article below gives even more insight into the situation, hope you have time to check it out. Just substitute Japan, China, Europe and any Nation in Africa or any other exploited country, or people kept purposely underdevleoped on the planet.

The article breaks it down, I cut and pasted in the middle of the article where I felt it had relevance to your video Playlist. "Restore Africa" Mega Cities 2020

This article says it all,, it historically sums up the danger of exporting "CASINO CAPITALISM" to "Restore Africa"
This was very educational.

Orignal Afrticle:



From the inception of its "opening" to the West (the Meiji Restoration of 1868),
Japan began to embrace not only the socio-economic relations of capitalism and
the intellectual school of rationalist (and technological) enlightenment that represented the best of the West. But, through a very astute study, Japan understood clearly the political and not so enlightened underpinnings of this new economy. War and imperialism, as discerned clearly by the Meiji reformists, were the primary factors that rendered possible the very conditions for the
spread of this capitalist world system. In this new world system, there were no
options for playing the role of innocent bystanders; you either pillaged others, or got pillaged.

Jon Halliday, in his book A Political History of Japanese Capitalism, has shown
that, from the beginning of the capitalist transformation of Japan, her ruling
classes were aware that the development of their modernity required ever
increasing use of ancient methods of warfare, outright plunder, and subjugation
of colonies in one form or another. So, from the early days of their
modernizing, the Japanese rulers studied not only the Western countries' modern
sciences and philosophies and manufacturing and management methods but also the
myriad aspects of colonial administration.

And the Japanese rulers put their studies to use. In Manchuria, they adopted a
colonial rule-by-proxy method, while in Korea and Taiwan annexation was the
preferred tool. In places like China where there were colonial rivalries that
pit various European powers against each other or against the US, Japan would
exploit those divisions.

It is also important to bear in mind that Japan is a country infamously poor in
its own sources of energy as well as raw materials such as metals and minerals.
As stated by Halliday, "The lack of raw material in Japan and the pressure
applied against Japan by the unequal treatise led to the delay in the
development of a heavy industrial base. But as the unequal treaties were revised
and Japan engaged in expansion, a heavy industrial base became a vital
necessity, particularly to cope with the large military building program.
Clearly, Japan could not continue to have its navy built in England."

But this expansionist urge was not fueled merely by the need for raw materials.
The need for the acquisition of colonies was integral to the development of
capitalism per se in Japan. "Politically, the Meiji oligarchs were content with
a rural and rural-based policy. The compromise between the feudal lords and the
bourgeoisie did not allow the latter to destroy the medieval structure of
agriculture. Colonization was one way to reduce the contradictions between
industry and the preservation of feudal relics in the economy as a whole."2

The first Japanese assaults on China, the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95, at a
time when European powers had (for about forty years) been attempting to carve
out various parts of China, led to a strategic alliance with Britain, signed in
1902 (which lasted until the conclusion of the Washington Conference in 1922).
The alliance was beneficial to England, since it provided her with a key ally
with its own motives to move against Russia, a historical enemy of Britain,
since Russia had its own designs on Manchuria and therefore was a strategic
enemy of Japan.3

This alliance with Britain in turn paved the way for the Russo-Japanese War of
1904-05, in which Japan defeated Russia, thereby establishing herself as a
serious contender in the international colonial and imperial games.

So, by the early twentieth century, as explained by Halliday, "Japan had
surprised the Western powers. . . . It had entered the imperialist club and won
Taiwan. . . . But, the lesson was that without a countervailing alliance other
imperialist powers would tend to sabotage any Japanese successes."4

That moment of arrival, exactly a century old by now, proved not only fateful
but definitive. Korean annexation followed shortly after that in 1910, and
increasing military expansionism would ensue, climaxing in a vast tragedy -- a
tragedy awaiting repeat performance if the right wing militarists in Japan have
things their way.

Another pattern common in imperialist countries' economic development is
manifest in the relation between Japan's economy and her foreign policy.
Christopher Howe has demonstrated that the biggest expansions in Japanese export
up to 1945, for example, coincided with Japans various aggressive wars for
acquisition of colonies and during the two World Wars.


Japan's imperialist behaviors have continued to this day, even though the
penetration into new markets has not always been accomplished by war. Surely a mature system of imperial acquisitions needs periods of peaceful accumulation and naturalization as well. But, even and especially in peace times, in trade agreements and development aid programs, Japan is every bit as predatory as the US, and her lending practices every bit as Shylock-like as the IMF's and the World Bank's.

In the general context of the colonizing process, what the military invasions
are meant to do is obviously to stake out territory, plain and simple. Such
conceptualizations as "the battle for hearts and minds," "the civilizing
mission" (as the Europeans liked to call it), and the "Greater East Asia
Co-Prosperity Sphere" (as the Japanese propagandized) are absurdities put forth for the consumption of the people living in the bellies of the respective beasts at the center of the current world system. What else are they to call it?

Rape and pillage?

While the circus side of bread-n-circus show is handled by technicians of
ideological state apparatuses such as the media and education systems of imperial countries, invaded societies are forced to change according to the wishes of the invaders, who are bent on exclusive contracts and concessions. In other words, an integration of colonized societies into the colonizer's system of capital accumulation is demanded. Once integration favorable to the colonizer has been (forcefully) formalized into law, then the colonizer's army may leave.

The country has been branded, and its future economic survival has become
conditional on the interests of the powerful at the center.

For example, take Japan's attempts to integrate Chinese economic resources into
its own economy. In 1915, during World War I, China, knowing that the European
powers armies were preoccupied with other fronts, demanded a total withdrawal
of all foreign armies from Chinese soil. Japan, recognizing her chances for
extortion, put forth a list of demands, known as the Twenty-one Demands, all to
do with exclusive rights and concessions that Japan wanted to extract from
China. After much "negotiation," China conceded to most Japanese demands.

Eventually, however, the early Japanese successes had to be checked -- the US
and European imperialists stepped in and put Japan "in its proper place," as a
junior imperialist club member, in the Washington Conference of Nov. 1921- Feb.


Fast forward to today. By now, the Japanese system is as sophisticated as any
run by Western European powers or the US, though, of course, without as much
military hardware -- yet.

Take for example the aid mechanism. According to Walter Hatch and Kozo
Yamamuras book, Asia in Japans Embrace, the Japanese government's aid
program is marked by three fundamental characteristics. First, it tends to
initially focus on developing the infrastructure of countries which Japanese
corporations wish to penetrate but which lack necessary infrastructure for their
smooth operations. Second, the aid program is heavily loaded with credit, as
opposed to grants. This has the obvious advantage of more securely integrating
recipient nations into the Japanese financial-industrial infrastructure. Third,
the Japanese government's development aid packages, much like those of the US,
come with inelastic strings attached. Primarily, such "aid" requires expenditure
of the money on goods and services sold by Japanese corporations. Further,
receiving "aid" is not only contingent on spending it back in Japan, but even
contingent on getting advised by
Japanese consultants on how, where, and when to spend it.

But, more fundamental than the aid packages and the dependency relations they
reinforce is how the Japanese capitalist production system is regionalized in
East and Southeast Asia. As explained by Hatch and Yamamura, today Japan's
manufacturing is a three-tiered system based on a hierarchical division of
labor. "Japan usually supplies the high-tech inputs; the Asian NICs [Newly
Industrialized Countries; e.g. Taiwan and South Korea] supply the high-to
medium-tech inputs; and the ASEAN-4 nations [Thailand, Philippines, Malaysia,
and Indonesia], as well as China, supply the medium-to low-tech inputs.

In case some still believing in the liberating powers of the invisible hands of
the market or the infamous theory of "comparative advantage" claim that the
three-tiered system works to everybody's advantage in the long run, it must be
pointed out that the entire purpose of this system is to protect the
monopolistic position of the Japanese as much as possible, by rigidly
maintaining exactly the same hierarchical system, ad infinitum.

The system that the Japanese multi-national corporations (with active and
comprehensive participation of the Japanese government) have developed over time
is one in which more and more Japanese companies operate in an increasing number
of countries in Southeast Asia in a way that maximally excludes the local
suppliers and manufacturers from the general production circuits that dominate
the world markets for manufactured goods and financial services.


Readers of Immanuel Wallerstein's works, and those who generally find in the
World-Systems Analysis the clearest explanatory theory around for the state we
are in, know that the world capitalist system is at a bifurcation point. The
system has reached its outer limits and is disintegrating. What will be the
outcome of this disintegration and what kind of social formation will replace it
will be determined by current struggles as well as those ahead.

In this crisis, the Japanese ruling class, who are highly systematic if nothing
else, believe that their class survival depends greatly on their alliance with
the Anglo-Saxon axis and participation in wars of expansion, to conquer more
monopolistic positions and acquire increasing investment opportunities by any
means necessary.

So, the Japanese developments to watch out for, above all, are a) Japan's stance
toward the North Korean "nuclear issue" (coupled with the issue of the North
Korean abduction of the Japanese citizens); b) the disputed Exclusive Economic
Zones that form the quasi border between China and Japan in the East China Sea,
which is really a dispute over access to energy reserves; and c) Japan's
handling of the question of Taiwan.

One group of activists who have been tirelessly educating the public about how
the terror of wars affects women, as well as speaking out for reparations for
violations they suffered at the hands of Japanese soldiers, are the so-called
"Comfort Women." Perhaps the best piece of news this year for any group of people
who survived World War II was the opening of the Women's Active Museum on War
and Peace, Japan's first ever resource center on sexual slavery before and
during WWII, which opened in Tokyo on August 1.

Another related piece of good news was the spread of solidarity with the
survivors of the Japanese Imperial Army's sexual slavery. On a Global Action
Day, on August 10, women worldwide held demonstrations in front of Japanese
embassies and consular offices, demanding legal and full compensation for the
survivors, a full and unambiguous apology from the Japanese government, and the
implementation of recommendations made in this regard by the United Nations and
the International Labor Organization.

The next stage of history is being made today, at the world system's
bifurcation. It is not simply up to generals and gun-toting goons to determine
historys outcome. We, too, are historical actors, positively alive agents who
can and must affect the outcome of this historical period. As a revolutionary
once said, "You may not be interested in history; but history is certainly
interested in you!"







Orignal Afrticle:


1 Jon Halliday, A Political History of Japanese Capitalism, Pantheon, 1975, p.

2 Ibid, p. 102.

3 Ibid, p. 82.

4 Ibid, p. 86 (emphasis in original).

5 Howe, Christopher; The Origins of Japanese Trade Supremacy, Chicago, 1996. See
especially Table 5.1 and its related explanation, p. 116, and Table 5.2, p. 117.

6 Halliday, p. 98-99.

7 Walter Hatch and Kozo Yamamura, Asia in Japan’s Embrace, Cambridge, 1996, p.
124 (emphasis added).

8 Ibid, p. 126.

9 Ibid, p. 23.

Reza Fiyouzat is an applied linguist/university instructor, and a freelance
writer. He may be reached at . He keeps a blog
Revolutionary Flowerpot Society. Parts of this article are adapted from an
article that was to appear in Covert Action Quarterly #79.
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